Health hacker manifesto downloadable pdf

Hackear es liberar lo virt ual hacia lo real, expresar la diferencia de lo real. La nat uraleza propia del hackeo le genera al hacker una crisis de ident idad. No es conscient e de su propia virt ualidad. Cuando es desencadenada, libera las capacidades lat ent es de t odas las cosas y de la gent e, obj et os y suj et os. Es el m edio en el cual obj et os y suj et os act ualm ent e coexist en, y es el m edio en el que nuest ra virt ualidad reside.

Por el cont rario, la t enem os en abundancia. Nos falt a resist encia al present e. Requiere una capacidad act iva y subj et iva para hacerse product iva.

Una sim ilit ud necesariam ent e difiere de lo que represent a. El hackeo debe est ar siem pre en m ovim ient o. En t odas part es el descont ent o con las represent aciones se ext iende. A veces su form a es la de rom per las vent anas de algunas t iendas, ot ras es la de rom per algunas cabezas. A veces se pone a la dem ocracia direct a com o la alt ernat iva. Pero pront o descubren el cost o. It depends on the very class capable of hack- ing into actuality the very virtuality it must control to sur- vive.

Property is not natu- rally occurring. It is not a natural right but an historical product, product of a powerful hack of ambivalent conse- quences. To make something property is to separate it from a continuum, to mark it or bound it, to represent it as some- thing finite.

At the same time, making something as prop- erty connects it, via a representation of it as a separate and finite object, to the subject who owns it. What is cut from one process joins another process, what was nature becomes second nature. Property founds bourgeois subjectivity, the subjectivity of [] the owner. But it also founds subaltern subjectivity, the sub- jectivity of the non-owner. Property founds subjectivity as the relation between possession and nonpossession.

Prop- erty forms the logic of self-interest within the envelope of the subject just as it forms the logic of class interest within the envelope of the state. When a relation is produced as a relation of property, then [] the things designated within that relation become compara- ble as if in the same terms and on the same plane. This abstraction, in which things are detached from their expression, represented as objects, and attached via their representations to a new expression, makes the world over in its image, as a world made for and by property.

It ap- pears as if property forms the ways and means of nature it- self, when it is merely the ways and means of the second na- ture of class rule. Mod- ern, or vectoral property is abstract and universal.

With the demise of feudalism property becomes an abstract relation, and the conflict property generates also becomes abstract. It becomes class conflict. Owners of property arise, and range their interests against non-owners.

As the abstract property form evolves to incorporate first land, then capital, then in- formation, both owners and non-owners are brought face to face with the possibilities of class alliance as well as conflict. But just as property cuts through other stakes in conflict, so too does ownership or non-ownership of private property abstract and simplify the grounds of conflict, in the form of the contention between the owning and nonowning classes.

Identity is the subject representing itself to itself as the prop- erties it desires but lacks. Property comes in many forms, and there are antagonisms [] between these forms, and yet one form of property may be exchanged for another, as all forms of property belong to the same abstract plane. Vectoral property is a plane on which the object confronts those subjects either belonging to, or excluded from, its possession.

Conflict between classes becomes the struggle to transform one form of property into another. The ruling classes fight to turn all property from which they might extract a surplus into private prop- erty. The productive classes struggle to collectivise the prop- erty upon which the reproduction of their existence de- pends, via the state. The ruling classes then struggle again to privatise this social component of property.

Only in vec- toral society are there riots over pension plans. The conflict between private and public property advances [] into each domain that property claims as its own. As prop- erty claims more and more of the world, more and more of the world construes its interests and being in terms of prop- erty. The struggle over property goes to first one class or class alliance then the other, but property is only entrenched as the form in which the struggle is conducted.

The privatisation of land that is a productive asset as property gives rise to a class of interest among its owners. These owners are the pastoralist class. Pastoralists acquire land as private property through the forced dispossession of peasants who tradition- ally share a portion of the commons.

They are free to be exploited as farmers, but also find themselves in many parts of the world violently expropriated, enslaved, indentured— exploited. But when the farmer has an in- terest in productivity, necessitated by one property relation or another, but most usually as a freeholder who must pay the pastoralist rent, then the increasing extraction of a sur- plus is possible.

This is the surplus on the back of which the history of all other productions takes place. All land becomes comparable on the basis of this abstract plane of property. However, land is in more or less fixed supply, and by definition is fixed in place, so the abstracting of land as property is limited. Land is property particularly sub- S ject to the formation of monopoly. They gradually extend their ownership, and thus their ability to monopolise the surplus through the ex- traction of rents, if not held in check by resort to the powers of the state by other classes.

Capital is the secondary form of property. The privatisation [] of productive assets in the form of tools and machines and also of working materials gives rise to a class of interest among its owners, the capitalist class. Dispossessed peasants, with nothing to sell but their capacity to work, create this vast stock of capital as private property for the capitalist class, and in so doing create a power over and against them- selves.

They are paid in wages, but the returns that accrue to the owners of capital as property is called profit. The instrument of profit puts capital into play as a form of [] property that has a greater degree of abstraction inherent in it than that of land. All physical resources now become comparable on the basis of this abstract plane of property. However, capital, unlike land, is not in fixed supply or dispo- sition.

It can be made and remade, moved, aggregated, dis- persed. A much greater degree of potential can be released from the world as a productive resource once the abstract plane of property includes both land and capital.

Where the value of land arises in part out of natural scarcity, the scar- city of things made by productive industry requires the ab- straction of property as an artifice to maintain and repro- duce scarcity. The possibility of revolt against scarcity arises for the first time at this point in the abstraction of property. Capital threw its political energies into the over- throw of the patchwork feudal class relations, but also found itself sometimes opposed to the pastoralist class that consol- idated the feudal property system into the abstraction of land.

Capitalist and pastoralist interests struggle over the partition of the surplus between rent and profit. The pastoralist has the natural monopoly of land, but cap- ital usually prevails, as it has a greater capacity for abstrac- tion. The capitalist class recognises the value of the hack in the abstract, whereas the pastoralists were slow to appreciate the productivity that can flow from the application of ab- straction to the production process.

Under the influence of capital, the state sanctions nascent forms of intellectual property, such as patents and copyrights, that secure an inde- pendent existence for hackers as a class, and a flow of inno- vations in culture and science from which history issues.

Capital represents private property to itself as if it is natural, but comes to appreciate the artificial extension of property into new, productive forms under the impact of the hack. It becomes the basis of a form of accumulation in S its own right. The vectoralist class struggles first to establish its monopoly over information—a far more abstract form of property than land or capital— and then to establish its power over the other ruling classes.

It secures as much of the surplus as it can as margin—the re- turn on ownership of information—at the expense of profit and rent. Viewed from the current stage of historical development, [] each of these ruling classes appears to develop out of the productivity of the hack. The pastoralist class develops out of the productivity of private land ownership, a legal hack.

The capitalist class develops out of the productivity, not just of private property, but of technical innovations in power and machinery.

The vectoralist class develops out of further technical innovations in communication and control. Each in turn competes with its predecessor.

Each competes for the capacity to extract as much of the surplus of total pro- ductivity as possible for its own accumulation. Each strug- gles with the productive classes over the disposition of the surplus.

They may struggle individually to become owners of it, or they may struggle collectively to reappropriate a por- tion of it. Either way, property becomes the stake in the struggle for the producing classes as much as for the prop- erty owning classes.

Farmers struggle against their landlessness. Workers struggle against their dis- possession, to claim a social wage. Hackers struggle to so- cialise a portion of the information stocks, flows and vectors on which the hack depends. Thus hackers as individuals are obliged to sell out their interests, and hackers as a class find their property rights diminished.

Hackers do not merely own, and profit by S owning information. If what defines the activity of hacking is that it is a free productivity, an expression of the virtuality of nature, then its subjection to private property and the commodity form is a fetter upon it.

Any small gain the hacker gets from the privatisation of in- formation is compromised by the steady accumulation of the means of realising its value in the hands of the vector- alist class.

Since information is crucial to the hack itself, the privatisation of information is not in the interests of the hacker class. To maintain their autonomy, hackers need some means of extracting an income from the hack, and thus from some limited protection of their rights. Since in- formation is an input as well as an output of the hack, this interest has to be balanced against a larger interest in the free distribution of all information.

In the short term, some form of intellectual property may secure some autonomy for the hacker class from the vectoralist class, but in the long term, the hacker class realises its virtuality through the abo- lition of intellectual property as a fetter on the hack itself.

The hacker class frees the hack by hacking class itself, realis- ing itself by abolishing itself. Where the farmer suffered the enclosure of the pastoral [] commons, the hacker must resist the enclosure of the infor- mation commons. Hacking as a pure, free experimental activity must be free from any constraint that is not self imposed.

Only out of its liberty will it hack the means of producing a surplus of liberty and liberty as a surplus. This is an interest the hacker shares with farmers and workers, who demand the public provision of education.

Hackers, farmers and workers also have a common interest in an information commons with which to maintain a vigilant eye on the state, which is all too often subject to ruling class capture. Even the pastoralist and capitalist classes can sometimes be allies in limiting the subjection of information by the vec- toralist class to commodification. The vectoralist interest grasps at a monopoly power over information, and puts mo- nopolising the surplus ahead of the expansion of the sur- plus.

Part of its strategy may be the enlistment of other classes in an alliance for the public production of informa- tion. But another strategy may be to extend another kind of property altogether—the property that is the gift. Both the private and public forms of property are property [] in which subjects confront objects as buyers and sellers, via the quantitative medium of money.

Even public property does not alter this quantification, not just of the object as commodity, but the subject who confronts it. The commod- ity economy, be it public or private, commodifies its subjects as well as its objects and sets a limit on the virtuality of na- ture.

Private property arose in opposition not only to feudal [] property, but also to traditional forms of the gift economy, which are a fetter to the increased productivity of the com- modity economy. Money is the medium through which land, capital, information and labour all confront each other as abstract entities, reduced to an abstract plane of measure- ment.

Qualitative exchange is superseded by quantified, monetised exchange. The gift as property is pure qualitative exchange. The gift becomes a marginal form of property, everywhere invaded by the commodity, and turned towards mere consumption. The gift is marginal, but nevertheless plays a vital role in cementing reciprocal and communal re- lations among people who otherwise can only confront each other as buyer and sellers of commodities.

As production develops into its vectoralised form, the [] means appear for the renewal of the gift economy. Everywhere that the vector reaches, it brings into the orbit of the commodity.

The hacker struggles to produce a subjectivity that is quali- tative and singular, in part through the act of the hack itself, but only in part. The hack reveals the non- subjective surplus of subjectivity, just as it reveals the non- objective surplus of objectivity. The gift expresses the virtuality of the production of production, whereas com- modified property represents the producer as an object, a quantifiable commodity like any other, of relative value only.

The gift of information need not give rise to conflict over information as property, for information need not suf- fer the artifice of scarcity. Nature need not be objectified. Nature ap- pears in its qualitative, rather than quantitative aspect. The unsustainable paradox of limitless productivity based on scarcity, both natural and unnatural, need not run on and on to its seemingly inevitable fall.

Within the gift relation, nature appears as endlessly productive in its differences, in its qualitative, not its quantitative aspect. The latter finally appear as partial abstrac- tions, as falling short of the abstraction of abstraction. If property is theft, then it is theft, in the first instance, from nature. The gift has the capacity to return nature as itself to itself. The vectoralist class contributes, unwittingly, to the devel- [] opment of the vectoral world within which the gift as the limit to property could return, but soon recognises its error.

As the vectoral economy develops, less and less of it takes the form of a public space of open and free gift exchange, and more and more of it takes the form of commodified production for private sale.

The vectoralist class can grudg- ingly accommodate some margin of public information, as the price it pays to the state for the furtherance of its main interests. But the vectoralist class quite rightly sees in the gift a challenge not just to its profits but to its very exis- tence.

The gift economy is the virtual proof for the parasitic and superfluous nature of vectoralists as a class. Representation always mimics but is less than what it repre- sents; expression always differs from but exceeds the raw material of its production. All representation is false.

A likeness differs of necessity [] from what it represents. If it did not, it would be what it rep- resents, and thus not a representation. The only truly false representation is the belief in the possibility of true repre- sentation. Property, a mere representation, installs itself in the world, [] falsifying the real.

It is critique itself that is the problem, not the solution. The problem is always to enter on an- other kind of production altogether, the production of the virtual, not the critical. The one role of critique is to critique criticism itself, and thus open the space for affirmation. Critical theory becomes hypo- critical theory.

The inexhaustible surplus of expression is that aspect of information upon which the class interest of hack- ers depends. Hacking brings into existence the multiplicity of all codes, be they natural or social, programmed or po- etic, logical or analogical, anal or oral, aural or visual.

But as it is the act of hacking that composes, at one and the same time, the hacker and the hack. Hacking recognises no ar- tificial scarcity, no official licence, no credentialing police force other than that composed by the gift relation among hackers themselves. No one is authorised to speak on behalf of constituencies as proper- ties or on the properties of constituencies.

Even this mani- festo, which invokes a collective name, does so without claiming or seeking authorisation, and offers for agreement only the gift of its own possibility. Within the envelope of the state, competing forces struggle [] to monopolise the representation of its majority.

Represen- tative politics pits one representation in opposition to an- other, verifying one by the critique of the other.

Each strug- gles to claim subjects as subjects, enclosing the envelope of the subject within that of the state. Representative politics takes place on the basis of the [] charge of false representation. An expressive politics accepts the falseness of expression as part of the coming into being of a class as an interest.

Classes come into being as classes for themselves by expressing themselves, differing from themselves, and overcoming their own expressions. A class is embodied in all its expressions, no matter how multiple. The ruling classes maintain a space of expression for desire, [] at the same time as forcing representation on the subaltern classes.

The ruling power knows itself to be nothing but its expression and the overcoming of its expression. And thus it overcomes itself, splitting and mutating and transforming itself from a pastoralist to a capitalist to a vectoralist expres- sion.

The ruling class, in each of its mutations, needs the producing classes only for the purposes of exploitation, for the extraction of the surplus. It has no need of the recognition of itself as itself.

It has need only of the vector along which it mutates and pul- sates. The producing classes, likewise, gain nothing from the recognition foisted on them in their struggle with their mas- ters, which serves only to keep them in their place.

Or worse, the productive classes get caught up in representations that have nothing to do with class interest. They get caught up in nationalism, racism, generationalism, various bigotries. There is no representation that confers on the producing classes an identity. There is nothing around which its multiplicities can unite. There is only the abstrac- tion of property that produces a bifurcated multiplicity, divided between owning and nonowning classes.

It is the abstraction itself that must be transformed, not the repre- sentations that it foists upon its subaltern subjects as nega- tive identity, as a lack of possession. The state becomes the referee of the refer- ents, pitting claimants against each other, while the ruling classes escape representation and fulfil their desire as the plenitude of possession.

The politics of representation is always the politics of the [] state. That this politics is always only partially applied, that only some are found guilty of misrepresentation, is the injustice of any re- gime based in the first place on representation. A politics of expression, on the other hand, is a politics of indifference to the threat and counterthreat of exposing nonconformity be- tween sign and referent.

It yearns for a state that would recognise this oppressed subject or that, but which is nevertheless still a desire for a state, and a state that, in the process, is not challenged as the enforcer of class interest, but is accepted as the judge of representation. For those who audit, control, monitor, and assess enterprise IT and business systems, the CISA certification signals knowledge, skills, experience, and credibility that delivers value to a business.

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While you know industry standards and regulations, you may not be a legal expert. Tari Schreider, a board-certified information security practitioner with a criminal justice administration background, has written a much-needed book that bridges the gap between cybersecurity programs and cybersecurity law. His practical, easy-to-understand explanations help you to: Understand your legal duty to act reasonably and responsibly to protect assets and information. Identify which cybersecurity laws have the potential to impact your cybersecurity program.

Upgrade cybersecurity policies to comply with state, federal, and regulatory statutes. Communicate effectively about cybersecurity law with corporate legal department and counsel. Understand the implications of emerging legislation for your cybersecurity program. Know how to avoid losing a cybersecurity court case on procedure — and develop strategies to handle a dispute out of court.

Develop an international view of cybersecurity and data privacy — and international legal frameworks. Schreider takes you beyond security standards and regulatory controls to ensure that your current or future cybersecurity program complies with all laws and legal jurisdictions. Hundreds of citations and references allow you to dig deeper as you explore specific topics relevant to your organization or your studies. This book needs to be required reading before your next discussion with your corporate legal department.

Bruce Sterling delves into the world of high-tech crime and punishment in one of the first books to explore the cyberspace breaches that threaten national security. This edition features a new preface by the author that analyzes the sobering increase in computer crime over the twenty-five years since The Hacker Crackdown was first published. An enjoyable, informative, and as the first mainstream treatment of the subject potentially important book.

Sterling is a fine and knowledgeable guide to this strange new world. Drawing in equal measure on Guy Debord and Gilles Deleuze, "A Hacker Manifesto" offers a systematic restatement of Marxist thought for the age of cyberspace and globalization. In the widespread revolt against commodified information, McKenzie Wark sees a utopian promise, beyond the property form, and a new progressive class, the hacker class, who voice a shared interest in a new information commons.

Focusing on texts of the the s and s, particularly novels and other writing by Mark Danielewski, Hari Kunzru, Indra Sinha, and Neal Stephenson, it charts a departure from narratives of globalization which declare the collapse of national cultures, and it considers how national sovereignty has been reinvented and reasserted in the face of technology's transnational effects.

Katherine Hayles, Paul Virilio, and McKenzie Wark this book will explore how, in these novels, the notion of an inclusive globalization has been replaced by a sense of national globalism. Continental Theory Buffalo is the inaugural volume of the Humanities to the Rescue book series, a public humanities project dedicated to discussing the role of the arts and humanities today.

This book is a collaborative act of humanistic renewal that builds on the transcontinental legacy of May to offer insightful readings of the cultural d evolution of the last fifty years. Their essays are effective illustrations of the potential of such interpretive traditions as philosophy, literature and cultural criticism to run interference with and offer alternatives to the instrumentalist logic and predatory structures that are reducing the world to a collection of quantifiable and tradeable resources.

The book will be of interest to cultural historians and theorists, media studies scholars, political scientists, and students of French and Francophone literature and culture on both sides of the Atlantic.

David R. In this radical and visionary new book, McKenzie Wark argues that information has empowered a new kind of ruling class. Through the ownership and control of information, this emergent class dominates not only labour but capital as traditionally understood as well.

Even Walmart and Nike can now dominate the entire production chain through the ownership of not much more than brands, patents, copyrights, and logistical systems. The new ruling class uses the powers of information to route around any obstacle labor and social movements put up.

So how do we find a way out? This text, and the opinions that it offers, have since been widely embraced by the hacker community and the document is referenced from numerous sites on the Internet. This paper sets out to examine the content of the Manifesto and considers the validity of many of the messages that it imparts. Furnell, S.